Mix Songs: 2011

Saturday, 16 April 2011

Pakistan, along with parts of western India, contain the archeological remains of an urban civilization dating back 4,500 years. Alexander the Great included the Indus Valley in his empire in 326 B.C., and his successors founded the Indo-Greek kingdom of Bactria based in what is today Afghanistan and extending to Peshawar. Following the rise of the Central Asian Kushan Empire in later centuries, the Buddhist culture of Afghanistan and Pakistan, centered on the city of Taxila just east of Peshawar, experienced a cultural renaissance known as the Gandhara period.
Pakistan's Islamic history began with the arrival of Muslim traders in the 8th century in Sindh. The collapse of the Mughal Empire in the 18th century provided an opportunity to the English East India Company to extend its control over much of the subcontinent. In the west in the territory of modern Pakistan, the Sikh adventurer Ranjit Singh carved out a dominion that extended from Kabul to Srinagar and Lahore. British rule replaced the Sikhs in the first half of the 19th century. In a decision that had far-reaching consequences, the British permitted the Hindu Maharaja of Kashmir, a Sikh appointee, to continue in power.
Pakistan emerged over an extended period of agitation by many Muslims in the subcontinent to express their national identity free from British colonial domination as well as domination by what they perceived as a Hindu-controlled Indian National Congress. Muslim anti-colonial leaders formed the All-India Muslim League in 1906. Initially, the League adopted the same objective as the Congress--self-government for India within the British Empire--but Congress and the League were unable to agree on a formula that would ensure the protection of Muslim religious, economic, and political rights.
Pakistan and Partition
The idea of a separate Muslim state emerged in the 1930s. On March 23, 1940, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the Muslim League, formally endorsed the "Lahore Resolution," calling for the creation of an independent state in regions where Muslims constituted a majority. At the end of World War II, the United Kingdom moved with increasing urgency to grant India independence. The Congress Party and the Muslim League, however, could not agree on the terms for a Constitution or establishing an interim government. In June 1947, the British Government declared that it would bestow full dominion status upon two successor states--India and Pakistan, formed from areas in the subcontinent in which Muslims were the majority population. Under this arrangement, the various princely states could freely join either India or Pakistan. Accordingly, on August 14, 1947 Pakistan, comprising West Pakistan with the provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), and East Pakistan with the province of Bengal, became independent. East Pakistan later became the independent nation of Bangladesh.
The Maharaja of Kashmir was reluctant to make a decision on accession to either Pakistan or India. However, armed incursions into the state by tribesman from the NWFP led him to seek military assistance from India. The Maharaja signed accession papers in October 1947 and allowed Indian troops into much of the state. The Government of Pakistan, however, refused to recognize the accession and campaigned to reverse the decision. The status of Kashmir has remained in dispute.
After Independence
With the death in 1948 of its first head of state, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and the assassination in 1951 of its first prime minister, Liaqat Ali Khan, political instability and economic difficulty became prominent features of post-independence Pakistan. On October 7, 1958, President Iskander Mirza, with the support of the army, suspended the 1956 Constitution, imposed martial law, and canceled the elections scheduled for January 1959. Twenty days later the military sent Mirza into exile in Britain, and Gen. Mohammad Ayub Khan assumed control of a military dictatorship. After Pakistan's loss in the 1965 war against India, Ayub Khan's power declined. Subsequent political and economic grievances inspired agitation movements that compelled his resignation in March 1969. He handed over responsibility for governing to the commander in chief of the army, General Agha Mohammed Yahya Khan, who became President and Chief Martial Law Administrator.
General elections held in December 1970 polarized relations between the eastern and western sections of Pakistan. The Awami League, which advocated autonomy for the more populous East Pakistan, swept the East Pakistan seats to gain a majority in Pakistan as a whole. The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), founded and led by Ayub Khan's former Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, won a majority of the seats in West Pakistan, but the country was completely split with neither major party having any support in the other area. Negotiations to form a coalition government broke down, and a civil war ensued. India attacked East Pakistan and captured Dhaka in December 1971, when the eastern section declared itself the independent nation of Bangladesh. Yahya Khan then resigned the presidency and handed over leadership of the western part of Pakistan to Bhutto, who became President and the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator.
Bhutto moved decisively to restore national confidence and pursued an active foreign policy, taking a leading role in Islamic and Third World forums. Although Pakistan did not formally join the Non-Aligned Movement until 1979, the position of the Bhutto government coincided largely with that of the non-aligned nations. Domestically, Bhutto pursued a populist agenda and nationalized major industries and the banking system. In 1973, he promulgated a new Constitution accepted by most political elements and relinquished the presidency to become prime minister. Although Bhutto continued his populist and socialist rhetoric, he increasingly relied on Pakistan's urban industrialists and rural landlords. Over time the economy stagnated, largely as a result of the dislocation and uncertainty produced by Bhutto's frequently changing economic policies. When Bhutto proclaimed his own victory in the March 1977 national elections, the opposition Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) denounced the results as fraudulent and demanded new elections. Bhutto resisted and later arrested the PNA leadership.
1977-1985 Martial Law
With increasing anti-government unrest, the army grew restive. On July 5, 1977, the military removed Bhutto from power and arrested him, declared martial law, and suspended portions of the 1973 Constitution. Chief of Army Staff Gen. Muhammad Zia ul-Haq became Chief Martial Law Administrator and promised to hold new elections within 3 months.
Zia released Bhutto and asserted that he could contest new elections scheduled for October 1977. However, after it became clear that Bhutto's popularity had survived his government, Zia postponed the elections and began criminal investigations of the senior PPP leadership. Subsequently, Bhutto was convicted and sentenced to death for alleged conspiracy to murder a political opponent. Despite international appeals on his behalf, Bhutto was hanged on April 6, 1979.
Zia assumed the presidency and called for elections in November. However, fearful of a PPP victory, Zia banned political activity in October 1979 and postponed national elections.
In 1980, most center and left parties, led by the PPP, formed the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). The MRD demanded Zia's resignation, an end to martial law, new elections, and restoration of the Constitution as it existed before Zia's takeover. In early December 1984, President Zia proclaimed a national referendum for December 19 on his "Islamization" program. He implicitly linked approval of "Islamization" with a mandate for his continued presidency. Zia's opponents, led by the MRD, boycotted the elections. When the government claimed a 63% turnout, with more than 90% approving the referendum, many observers questioned these figures.
1988-2002
On August 17, 1988, a plane carrying President Zia, American Ambassador Arnold Raphel, U.S. Brig. General Herbert Wassom, and 28 Pakistani military officers crashed on a return flight from a military equipment trial near Bahawalpur, killing all of its occupants. In accordance with the Constitution, Chairman of the Senate Ghulam Ishaq Khan became Acting President and announced that elections scheduled for November 1988 would take place.
After winning 93 of the 205 National Assembly seats contested, the PPP, under the leadership of Benazir Bhutto, formed a coalition government with several smaller parties, including the Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM). The Islamic Democratic Alliance (IJI), a multi-party coalition led by the PML and including religious right parties such as the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), won 55 National Assembly seats.
Differing interpretations of constitutional authority, debates over the powers of the central government relative to those of the provinces, and the antagonistic relationship between the Bhutto administration and opposition governments in Punjab and Balochistan seriously impeded social and economic reform programs. Ethnic conflict, primarily in Sindh province, exacerbated these problems. A fragmentation in the governing coalition and the military's reluctance to support an apparently ineffectual and corrupt government were accompanied by a significant deterioration in law and order.
In August 1990, President Khan, citing his powers under the eighth amendment to the Constitution, dismissed the Bhutto government and dissolved the national and provincial assemblies. New elections, held in October 1990, confirmed the political ascendancy of the IJI. In addition to a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly, the alliance acquired control of all four provincial parliaments and enjoyed the support of the military and of President Khan. Muhammad Nawaz Sharif, as leader of the PML, the most prominent Party in the IJI, was elected prime minister by the National Assembly.
Sharif emerged as the most secure and powerful Pakistani prime minister since the mid-1970s. Under his rule, the IJI achieved several important political victories. The implementation of Sharif's economic reform program, involving privatization, deregulation, and encouragement of private sector economic growth, greatly improved Pakistan's economic performance and business climate. The passage into law in May 1991 of a Shari'a bill, providing for widespread Islamization, legitimized the IJI government among much of Pakistani society.
However, Nawaz Sharif was not able to reconcile the different objectives of the IJI's constituent parties. The largest religious party, Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), abandoned the alliance because of its perception of PML hegemony. The regime was weakened further by the military's suppression of the MQM, which had entered into a coalition with the IJI to contain PPP influence and allegations of corruption directed at Nawaz Sharif. In April 1993, President Khan, citing "maladministration, corruption, and nepotism" and espousal of political violence, dismissed the Sharif government, but the following month the Pakistan Supreme Court reinstated the National Assembly and the Nawaz Sharif government. Continued tensions between Sharif and Khan resulted in governmental gridlock and the Chief of Army Staff brokered an arrangement under which both the President and the Prime Minister resigned their offices in July 1993.
An interim government, headed by Moeen Qureshi, a former World Bank Vice President, took office with a mandate to hold national and provincial parliamentary elections in October. Despite its brief term, the Qureshi government adopted political, economic, and social reforms that generated considerable domestic support and foreign admiration.
In the October 1993 elections, the PPP won a plurality of seats in the National Assembly, and Benazir Bhutto was asked to form a government. However, because it did not acquire a majority in the National Assembly, the PPP's control of the government depended upon the continued support of numerous independent parties, particularly the PML/J. The unfavorable circumstances surrounding PPP rule--the imperative of preserving a coalition government, the formidable opposition of Nawaz Sharif's PML/N movement, and the insecure provincial administrations--presented significant difficulties for the government of Prime Minister Bhutto. However, the election of Prime Minister Bhutto's close associate, Farooq Leghari, as President in November 1993 gave her a stronger power base.
In November 1996, President Leghari dismissed the Bhutto government, charging it with corruption, mismanagement of the economy, and implication in extrajudicial killings in Karachi. Elections in February 1997 resulted in an overwhelming victory for the PML/Nawaz, and President Leghari called upon Nawaz Sharif to form a government. In March 1997, with the unanimous support of the National Assembly, Sharif amended the Constitution, stripping the President of the power to dismiss the government and making his power to appoint military service chiefs and provincial governors contingent on the "advice" of the Prime Minister. Another amendment prohibited elected members from "floor crossing" or voting against party lines. The Sharif government engaged in a protracted dispute with the judiciary, culminating in the storming of the Supreme Court by ruling party loyalists and the engineered dismissal of the Chief Justice and the resignation of President Leghari in December 1997.
The new President elected by Parliament, Rafiq Tarar, was a close associate of the Prime Minister. A one-sided anti-corruption campaign was used to target opposition politicians and critics of the regime. Similarly, the government moved to restrict press criticism and ordered the arrest and beating of prominent journalists. As domestic criticism of Sharif's administration intensified, Sharif attempted to replace Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf on October 12, 1999, with a family loyalist, Director General ISI Lt. Gen. Ziauddin. Although General Musharraf was out of the country at the time, the army moved quickly to depose Sharif.
Following the October 12 ouster of the government of Prime Minister Sharif, the military-led government stated its intention to restructure the political and electoral systems. On October 14, 1999, General Musharraf declared a state of emergency and issued the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), which suspended the federal and provincial Parliaments, held the Constitution in abeyance, and designated Musharraf as Chief Executive. Musharraf appointed an eight-member National Security Council to function as Pakistan's supreme governing body, with mixed military/civilian appointees; a civilian Cabinet; and a National Reconstruction Bureau (think tank) to formulate structural reforms. On May 12, 2000, Pakistan's Supreme Court unanimously validated the October 1999 coup and granted Musharraf executive and legislative authority for 3 years from the coup date. On June 20, 2001, Musharraf named himself as president and was sworn in.
After the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were attacked on September 11, 2001, Musharraf pledged complete cooperation with the United States in its war on terror, which included locating and shutting down terrorist training camps within its borders and cracking down on extremist groups. This policy was highly unpopular with many Pakistani citizens, and the country was, for a while, plagued by popular demonstrations. However, in a referendum held on April 30, 2002, Musharraf's presidency was extended by 5 more years.

HISTORY OF PESHAWAR.....

The Peshawar Valley appears first in history as forming part of the ancient kingdom of Gandhara. This name of Gandhara figures in Sanscrit literature from the earlier times and it is used by the Chinese pilgrims also who visited the kingdom in the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries of the Christian era. Strabo describes a country, which he calls Gandaritis as lying along the river Kophes (Kabul) between the Choaspes and the Indus. The ancient capital of the district was Pushkulavati from which is obviously derived the Peukelas of Arrian, the historian of Alexander the Great. The position of the capital is vaguely described by Arrian and Strabo as' " near the Indus." The geographer Ptolemy however fixes it upon the eastern bank of the Suastene or Swat.

On this and on the itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuan-Tsang General Cunningham identified the site of Peukelas as near the modern twin towns of Charsadda and Prang. The Chinese pilgrims were drawn to Pushkulavati, as here was the famous stupa where the Lord Buddha was said to have made an alms offering of his eyes. Actually in their day the ancient capital had been superseded in political importance by the new town of Parashawara or Peshawar. There are no authentic records of the tribes seated about Peshawar in these early days. It is, however, established that they were of Indian origin. It has been conjectured with some show of probability that they were an off-shoot from the race of Yadu who were either expelled or voluntarily migrated from Gujrat c. 1100 B. C. and who were identified afterwards near Kandahar and in the hill country round Kabul.

Some authorities would actually find in the Gaduns who reside in the hills to the north-east of Swabi and in the Hazara District a last remnant of this ancient race. With the invasion of Alexander the mists, which obscure the early history of the countries near the Indus River in the northwest, begin to clear. According to Arrian, who wrote in Greek an account of Alexander's Asiatic expedition called the " Anabasis of Alexander," the armies of the Macedonian king reached the' Indus by two separate routes-one direct through the Khyber Pass and the other accompanied by Alexander himself through Kunar, Bajaur, Swat and Buner (326 B. C.)

The first Greek invasion however left little trace on Peshawar. Alexander had hardly left India when the valley came under the sway of the Buddhist King Chandra Gupta (the Sandrokottos of the Greek historian) who reigned 321-297 B. C. In 323 B. C.Alexander the Great died at Babylon. About 20 years later Seleucus attempted to recover the-Indian-possessions f the Greek empire and passed the Indus with an army for this purpose.

He was content however in the end to conclude a treaty with Buddhist king by the terms of which all the territories claimed by the Greeks cast of the Indus together with the Peshawar and Kabul Valleys west of that river were formally eeded to Chandragupta, who furnished Seleucus in return with 500 elephants. Chandragupta was succeeded first by his son Bindusara and then by his famous grandson Asoka (269-227 B. C.) Asoka's fame rests chiefly on his position as the great patron of Buddhism. As such he has often been compared to Constantine the Great, the royal patron of Roman Christianity.

In his reign the Buddhist faith was extended to Peshawar, Kabul and Kashmir. This is the period of the famous rock edicts -inscriptions cut into hard rocks or pillars of stone by command of the king himself and often recording his own words. The object of these inscriptions was ethical and religious rather than historical or political.

They were not, like the equally famous cuneiform inscriptions of the Persian King Darius, intended to convey to posterity a record of conquests or of the extent of a migty ebut to further the temporal and spiritual welfare of the subjects of the Buddhist king. One of these edicts was graven on rock near the village of Shahbazgarha in Yasafzai. Its characters may now be traced with difficulty after the lapse of more than twenty centuries. It remains, however, a curious relic of this older time and a reminder that human empires have their day.

The Peshawar Valley was later to see a revival of Brahmanism when Buddhist monks were massacred and driven out. The Greeks too again appeared under Menander, King of Bactria. Scythian and Indian masters followed, the latter finally retaining control of the valley till the 7th century of the Christian era. Fa Hian, a Chinese pilgrim, visited the Peshawar Valley in the fifth century A. D. and was followed some two centuries later by his countryman and co-religionist Hiuan-Tsang. During the visit of the former Buddhism was still the dominant religion of the inhabitants of the valley but at the time of the tatter's pilgrimage it was fast losing place.

The Buddhist faith had therefore prevailed in the country round Peshawar for upwards of nine centuries. It can easily be imagined therefore that tile antiquities of this period in the Peshawar Valley are of peculiar interest and importance. For places of archaeological interest reference may be made to Chapter IV, and for objects of art to Appendix No. 3. Numerous coins of various periods-Grecian, Bactrian, Scythian, Hindu and Muslim-have been found at these sites and elsewhere in the district. Collections of these may be viewed at the Museum at Peshawar and at Lahore. There have been several well-known private collections also. Some of the finest Gandharan sculptures extant are to be seen in the Guides Mess at Mardan.

Before the close of the seventh century a new race-the Afghans or Pathans-appeared upon the scene. This people are first heard of as holding the hills of Ghor and Suliman about the middle of the seventh century A. D. at the time when Persia first succumbed to the force of Mohammadan arms. Against the Arab wave of conquest the Pathans appear not only to have held their own but also to have commenced about the same period a series of attacks upon their Indian neighbours of the countries bordering on the Indus.

Ferishta records a campaign of 70 pitched battles in five months when in the event the Pathans succeeded in wresting a portion of the plain country near the Indus from the Rajahs of Lahore. Joined later by the Gakkars who at this period held all the country from the Indus to the Jhelum the Pathans c. 700 A. D. compelled the Lahore rulers to cede to them all the hill country west of the Indus and south of the Kabul River on condition of their guarding that frontier of Hindustan against invasion.

Even after this date however the plain of Peshawar and apparently the Jalalabad plain still further west together with the hills to the north including modern Swat, Buner, etc., were occupied by tribes connected with India who appear to have been left un-molested. In the 10th century Peshawar came for-the first time under foreign yoke when Sabuktagin of Ghazni defeated Jaipal, the Hindu Prince of Lahore, near Laghman in Afghanistan and drove his armies across the Indus with great slaughter (978 A. D.). The conqueror took possession of all the country west of the Indus and left his Lieutenant Abu All as Governor of Peshawar with an army of 10,000 horses.In this campaign the Pathans sided with Sabuktagin and furnished soldiers to his army.

Sabuktagin was succeeded in the year 997 by his celebrated son Mahmud. The Hindu princes of Lahore had made repeated attempts to recover their trans-Indus territories, and in the reign of Mahmud, the plains of Peshawar were the scenes of many great battles. The first of these encounters took place in 1001 near Nowshera when the Hindus were again routed, Jaipal himself being taken prisoner. The Pathans prior to this battle had changed their allegiance and sided with Lahore. They were severely chastised therefore by Mahmud and as they had by now become converted to the Mohammadan faith, they were afterwards true to their allegiance and joined the Sultan in all his wars against the infidels. For his invasions of India in 1017 and 1023 Mahmud made Peshawar the rallying point of his forces of which Pathans now formed an integral part. The Pathan chiefs were treated with special favour in his camp and he encouraged the tribesmen to settle in the hill country west of Peshawar with a view to their forming a bulwark between his own country and that of his enemies of Hindustan. From this time and for a century and more Peshawar remained a province of Ghazni under Mahmud numerous successors.

Under the later princes of this line the place acquired considerable importance as a central stronghold of their dominions which then extended to Lahore whither the royal residence had also been transferred. The first settlement of any tribe of undoubted Afghan origin in the plains of the Peshawar District took place, as will be subsequently related, in the fifteenth century. Long before this date however sections of the Dilazak tribe, to whom some authorities attribute Pathan descent but whom the Pathans themselves declare to be of Indian origin, had settled round Peshawar. The Dilazak by their superior numbers overweighed and finally absorbed the indigenous population, which had held the valley prior to their advent. The latter are described as few in number-a quiet race chiefly pastoral and still unconverted. In the eleventh century the Dilazak--intermarried and much fused with the previous indigenous population-held all the plain of Peshawar south of the Kabul river and their settlements spread even to the modern Chach tract on the left bank of the Indus.

They paid tribute regularly at this period to the local Governors appointed from Ghazni. In the same century the Pathans of Ghor rose in revolt against their Ghaznavite over-lords and the empire founded by Mahmud was destroyed.Many extensive immigrations of Pathan tribesmen into the hill country west of Peshawar date from this period. The invasion of the Peshawar Valley by Pathans in force was however due to other causes. The Pathan traditional history of the occupation of the Peshawar Valley, perhaps little more than an epic, is as follows: - Two Pathan brothers Khakhai and Ghori had in the earlier times given their names to two of the great divisions of the nation then seated round Kandahar. The country in possession of the tribe was held jointly by both sections. As numbers increased partition of their territory was forced upon them and in the division, which ensued the Khakhais, being the weaker section, received an unequal share.

Even from this portion they were subsequently ejected by their stronger Ghori kinsmen, and accompanied by Utman Khel and Mohammadzai sections belonging to other divisions they left their ancient seats and about the middle of the. 13th century settled near Kabul. Here they increased in numbers and wealth and finally came to be grouped into three principal clans Yusufzais, Gigianis and Turkilanis. Restless and turbulent they came into conflict with Ulug Beg (who was the eldest; son of Shiroch, the son of Taimur and uncle of Babar), who then ruled at Kabul, and were finally driven out of their new habitations also. Leaving Kabul they settled in Basaul and round Jalalabad. They endeavoured to take possession of Bajaur but were repulsed. Finally three sections- the Yusafzais, Gigianis and Mohammadzais entered the Peshawar plain, where they begged a portion of laud from the Dilazaks on which to settle.

This was granted and the newcomers settled in the Charsadda Doaba. They did not how ever for long sustain the role of suppliants. Native historians lay the blame for the quarrel which ensued on the cattle-lifting propensities of the Dilazaks but the contrary is the more likely supposition. In any case a great battle Pathan v. Dilazak eventuated and the Dilazaks were routed with great slaughter. After their defeat practically the entire tribe is said to have left the country north of the Kabul River and fled precipitately to Hazara. The Pathans proceeded to partition the vacant land among them. The Gigianis received the Doaba as their portion, to the Mohammadzais was assigned Hashtnagar, and to the Yusafzais the remainder of the country north of the Kabul river.

Later the Yusafzais, bent on further conquests, prepared to take possession of Swat moving for that purpose to Sakhakot. Making a faint attack on the Mora Pass-a manoeuvre which it is interesting to note was repeated by the British forces in 1895-they occupied the Malakand Pass by night and fell upon the astonished Swatis who were instantly routed. Lower Swat become from this date a possession of the Yusafzais.Meanwhile the seats of the Khakhai Pathans in Basaul and Jalalabad were occupied by the Ghori clans-- Khalil, Mohmand and Daudzai. These spread eastward till they occupied the hills between Lalpura and the Peshawar Valley, now the country of the upper Mohmands.

This was the state of affairs at the end of the fifteenth century. In the year 1505 the Emperor Babar, who had acquired the sovereignty of Kabul and Ghazni in the previous year from the usurper Mokim, invaded. Peshawar via Jalalabad (then called Adinpur) and the Khyber Pass. He made however no prolonged stay in the valley, being diverted on a marauding expedition towards Kohat and Bannu and returning by the Sakhi Sarwar Pass and Bori to Ghazni. Ten years later lie turned his attention to the Pathans and invaded and subdued Bajaur and Swat. Descending from Swat Babar harried the plain lands of the Yusafzais and Mohammadzais and erecting a fort at Peshawar, he left a garrison there as a point d'appui for his invasions of India. The first of these followed in 1519 when he crossed the Indus above Attock and defecated the Gakkars in the Chach.

His subsequent invasions of India did not affect the tribes about Peshawar who were left very much to themselves and reverted to their previous condition of independence. Babar died at Agra in 1530. In the reign of Humayun his son the, Ghoria Khel Pathans-Khalil, Mohmand and Daudzai-entered the plain of Peshawar. Dilazak sections still held the country south of the Kabul River. The branch of the Khattak." known as the Akora Khattaks settled soon afterwards with the permission of Akbar on the south of the Kabul River in the vicinity of Akora. They were originally under one chief Khushal Khan who undertook to protect the road from Attock to Peshawar receiving in return a grant of land between Khairabad and Nowshera.

The tribe has been fully described in Section C. of this Chapter. In 1586 the Emperor Akbar on his return from Kashmir passed through the Peshawar Valley and determined on the subjugation of the Pathan tribes. Several expeditions were undertaken and the plain country was easily subdued. When his armies attempted to force the Swat Passes, however, they were three times repulsed by the tribesmen with heavy losses. Realising after these defeats the futility of becoming involved in guerilla warfare in the hills where the enemy could not be forced to a decisive action, the Emperor's commanders satisfied themselves with occupying positions in the plain where they fortified themselves and prevented the Pathans from cultivating their lands. This measure proved so harassing to the tribes that they tenderd a more or less nominal submission which enabled Akbar to accept an agreement from them and to turn his attention elsewhere.

No more complete subjugation of the Peshawar tribes was attempted in Akbar's time. He confined himself to keeping open the road to Kabul and maintaining a partial control over the tribesmen by commanding their cultivation.Some time about the end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century occurred the great schism in the Yusafzai tribe. This tribe upon first taking possession of their present seats were accompanied by three Sheikhs of great repute and sanctity. To one of these, Sheikh Mali, was entrusted the work of dividing the new territory among the several branches of the tribe. In Kandahar and Kabul the latter had been known by one common appellation-Yusafzai. As their numbers increased however and their possessions were enlarged, two divisions sprang up -Yusafzai and Mandanr-the latter being the descendents of Mandanr, the nephew of Yusaf. Both Yusaf and Mandanr being descended from Khakhai, Sheikh Mali awarded both sections all area of hill country with a complementary plain tract and these were partitioned by lot among the several clans and sub-divisions.

The two main sections remained for some time united in their new seats but dissensions ensued which were enhanced and possibly originally instigated by Moghal intrigue. Finally the Yusafzais of Swat and Buner arose and expelled all Mandanr tribesmen from these territories. The latter leaving their women in Chamla descended to the plain and retaliated by expelling the Yusafzai families settled there. The Baizai section only of Yusafzais who made a stand in the Lundkhwar Valley was not ejected at this time. Later also they continued to hold this valley with the aid of Khattak auxiliaries whom they called in to assist them in their struggle with Mandanr.

In modern days, however, only a few communities of true Yusafzai remain in the plain. The Lund-khwar Valley is now mainly occupied by the descendants of the same Khattak auxiliaries who came to assist the Yusafzais and ended by occupying most of the tract. Three villages only in Baizai, namely Matta, Shamozai and Babozai, remain inhabited by true Yusafzai. Elsewhere in the plain the Mandanr section was left in sole occupation. The state of the district remained unaltered during the reign ofJahangir and Shah Jahan.

The Pathan tribes rendered a nominal allegiance to the Delhi Emperors punctuated by periods of commotion and turbulence when a weak Governor or a foreign war furnished them with an opportunity.<br> At length in 1668 they openly revolted and crossing the Indus in large numbers they devasted Chach and out the line of communication between Kabul and Delhi. They suffered a reverse near Attock but at Peshawar defeated the royal troops sent by Amin Khan, Governor of Kabul, to suppress the emeute.

For a time the insurgent Pathans were sole masters of the Peshawar plain and in the almost continual fighting of these years the Yusafzais gained a great reputation for valour and martial prowess. Aurangzeb, who was now on the throne of Delhi, marched in person at the head of an army to re-establish the authority of his Government. Arrived at Hassan Abdal he conducted the general course of the operations from there, the actual command in the field devolving on his son Sultan.

The struggle persisted for two years 1673-1675 till finally the Emperor was compelled to agree to terms, which left the Pathans practically independent and withdrew his forces to India.This period is distinguished in Pathan annals by the verses and deeds of the renowned Khushal Khan, the Khattak chief, poet, patriot and warrior. Khushal Khan has Ieft a history and some poems of considerable merit-the latter indited in the days of the Pathans struggle with the Moghals. To rouse the Pathan youth and excite their patriotism, the great deeds of their forefathers are counted in glowing stanzas, while the young men of the day are taunted for their lack of manly spirit and martial ardour

HISTORY OF PATHANS.....

ORIGIN OF THE PATHANS

ETHNOLOGY:

Different hypotheses have been suggested about the origin of the Pukhtoons. Khawaja Niamatullah describes them as descendants of Jews, connecting them with the lost ten tribes of Israel. This theory of the Semitic origin of the Pukhtoons has been supported by some Pukhtoon writers, including Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Afzal Khan Khattak and Qazi Attaullah Khan. A number of orientalists like H.W. Bellew, Sir William Jones and Major Raverty have also subscribed to this view on the basis of Pukhtoon physiogonomy, and the striking resemblance of facial features between Pukhtoons and Jews. They believe that the prevalence of biblical names, certain customs and superstitions, especially smearing of the door post and walls of the house with blood of sacrificial animals, further substantiates this theory. But these presumptions do not hold good in view of the fact that resemblance in features and certain characteristics do not provide a scientific criterion for the ethnology of a race or a section of people. This can equally be said about the Kashmiris and certain other tribes who can hardly be distinguished from Pukhtoons in physique, colour and complexion. Similarly a scrutiny of the social institutions of the Arabs of the Middle Ages and present day Pukhtoons would lead one to believe that Pukhtoons are not different from them in their social organisation.

Syed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kaka Khel in his well written book "PUKHTANA" and Sir Olaf Caroe in his book "The Pathans" place little reliance on Niamatullah's theory of the Semitic origin of the Pukhtoons and say that his account of the Pukhtoons suffers from historical inaccuracies. To disprove the assertion that the Pukhtoon tribes had embraced Islam en-bloc after the return of Qais Abdul Rashid from Medina, the accounts of Al-Beruni and Al-Utbi, the contemporary historians of Mahmud of Ghazna, establish "that four centuries later than the time of Qais the Province of Kabul had not been Islamized and this was achieved under the Ghaznavides. The Hindu Shahiya Kingdom of Jaipal extended almost to Kabul, Mahmud had to fight against infidel Afghans of the Sulaiman mountains". Even Prithvi Raj had a cavalry of Afghans in the battle of Tarian against Mohammad Ghori. Other writers, after a careful examination of the physical anthropology of the Pukhtoons say that difference in features of the various Pukhtoons point to the fact that they must have "mingled with races who passed through their territory to conquer Hindustan".

Khawaja Niamatullah's theory has further been put to a serious test by prominent linguists who maintain that Pushto bears no resemblance to Hebrew or other Aramaic languages and the Pukhtoons' language, Pashto, belongs to the family of the Eastern group of Iranian languages. Mr. Ahmad Ali Kohzad and some other Afghan historians, lending support to the Aryan origin of the Pukhtoons, say that the Pakhat of the Rig Veda are the Pukhtoons of today. It is a fact that the North West Frontier of Pakistan has, perhaps been involved with more foreign invasions in the course of history than any other country of Asia. Each horde seems to have left its mark on the Pukhtoons who absorbed the traits of invading forces, "predominantly of Turks, Iranians and Mongols".

According to Khawaja Niamatullah the Pukhtoons embraced Islam in the first quarter of the 7th century when the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) sent his emissaries in all directions to invite the people to the fold of Islam. One such messenger is stated to have been sent to Qais Abdur Rashid, who is claimed to be the ancestor of the Pukhtoons, through Khalid bin Walid. In response to Khalid's invitation, Qais hurried to the Holy land and as a result of the sublime teachings of the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) embraced Islam in Medina. After his return to Ghore, his whole tribe followed him in the Muslim faith. But due to weak evidence, missing links and wide gaps this theory has aroused suspicion in the minds of scholars.

If the origin of a race can be determined on the basis of customs and traditions then Pukhtoon would be closer to Arabs. The study of Arabian and Pukhtoon society presents a remarkable resemblance particularly in their tribal organisation and social usages. Both possess the same virtues and characteristics. To both hospitality is one of the finest virtues, retribution a sacred duty and bravery an essential pre-requisite for an honourable life. Love of independence, courage, endurance, hospitality and revenge were the supreme virtues of pre-Islamic Arabs. These very attributes also form the basis of the Pukhtoon code of honour and anyone who repudiates them is looked down by the society. A Pukhtoon is nearer to an Arab in his tribal organisation. Like an Arab tent, every Pukhtoon's house represents a family, an encampment of Arab tents forms a hay and a cluster of a few houses constitute a village in tribal areas. Members of one hay form a clan in Arabia and a Khel (which is an Arabic word meaning association or company) is the basis of the Pukhtoon's tribal organisation. A number of kindred clans grouped together make a qabila in Arabia and a tribe in the Pukhtoon borderland. Even the Pashto script resembles the Arabic script in essence. The Arabs held in great esteem four moral virtues, viz Ziyafah or hospitality hamasah or fortitude, muruah or manliness and courage and ird or honour.

The Pathans are brave, courageous, hospitable and generous and these attributes are considered as pillars of the Pukhtoon code of honour or Pukhtoonwali. The Pathans like the Arabs also believe in fire and sword for all their adversaries. This was the reason that they fought tooth and nail against the non-Muslim rulers of the sub-continent whether Sikhs or Feringi as the Britishers were called.

The position of a tribal Malik who plays an important role in tribal politics is similar to that of an Arabian Sheikh. The qualifications of a tribal Malik, such as seniority in age, qualities of head and heart and character as courage, wisdom and sagacity etc. are not different from an Arab Sheikh. Like a Sheikh, a tribal Malik follows the consensus of opinion. He is required to consult the heads of the families or village council while making any decision with regard to future relations with a village or tribe. Darun Nadwa was the centre of activity of the pre-Islamic Arabs and the Pukhtoons' Hujra is also not different from it in its functions. All matters relating to war, peace, future relations with neighbouring tribes and day to day problems used to be discussed in Darun Nadwa. Similarly, all tribal affairs connected with the tribe are discussed in the Hujra.

Hospitality is one of the sublime features of the Pukhtoons and pre-Islamic Arabs were also renowned for their hospitality and for affording asylum to strangers. They would share the last crumb of their bread with a guest and protect him from all harm so long as he was under their roof. Similarly, Pukhtoons regard hospitality as a "sacred duty and safety of the guest as inviolable". It is a serious violation of their established norms to hurt a man who enters their village as a guest. In the pre-independence days they provided asylum to all and sundry, including the proclaimed offenders wanted by the British Government in cases of a criminal nature in the settled districts. Similarly the Arabs the right of asylum considered sacred and was rigidly respected regardless of the crime of the refugee.

The spirit of revenge of the Pukhtoons is not different from that of the Arabs. Blood according to the law of the desert called for blood and no chastisement could satisfy an Arab other than wreaking vengeance on his enemy. Similarly, the hills of the Pukhtoon highlanders vibrate with echoes of retribution till the insult is avenged. As a matter of fact, the society of both the Arabs and the Pukhtoons is inspired by a strong feeling of muruwwa, virility or a quality to defend one's honour (ird). There are several anecdotes of revenge resulting in long blood feuds for generations. The Basus war between Banu Bakr and Banu Taghlib in Arabia lasted for about 40 years whereas tribal disputes between Gar and Samil factions of the Pukhtoons continued for decades. Pukhtoons like Arabs are conscious of their racial superiority. An Arab would boast of being a Quraish and a Pukhtoon would assert his superiority by saying, Am I not a Pukhtoon"?

The customs regarding giving protection to weaker neighbours is also common between Arabs and Pukhtoons. A weaker tribe in Arabia would seek the protection of a powerful tribe by means of Khuwah and a weaker Pukhtoon tribe would ensure its security by offering "Lokhay" to its strong neighbouring tribe. The custom of "Lokhay Warkawal" is still prevalent among Afridi and Orakzai tribes of Tirah. A similarity can also be found in their customs relating to birth, marriage and death etc. Certain superstitions are also common between the Arabs and the Pukhtoons. Both believe in all kinds of invisible beings, wear amulets as a safeguard against the evil eye and believe in sooth sayers and fortune tellers.

HISTORY OF PATHANS.....SOURCE OF INCOME

Sources of Income

The Pukhtoons are chiefly employed in agriculture but their agricultural pursuits are limited owing to the lack of culturable land. The patches of cultivable land in hilly tracts and some open valleys do not produce sufficient food-grains to meet their food requirements. In addition to tilling the available land, tribesmen tend cattle, including herds of goats and sheep, camels and cows.

If, on the one hand, the tribesmen were economically dependent on the British, on the other, all kinds of trade in tribal areas had been monopolized by Hindus and Sikhs. They had opened shops in the centrally located places and big villages and every tribesman was their customer. A large number of tribesmen would go to Bombay in search of employment while others would join the Border Military Police (later called the Frontier Constabulary) and the army. Certain sections of the tribesmen would sell firewood and timber to the people of the cities, while others took up some other petty trade. But among the tribesmen, the Adam Khel Afridis of the Kohat Pass had a flare for trade. They were traders and carriers of salt at the time of the advent of the British in the frontier. They used to carry salt from the mines of Kohat District to Swat, Bajaur and other parts of the NWFP.

They also engaged themselves in a thriving and lucrative arms trade and later started manufacturing fire-arms in their factories. Other tribesmen emulated their example and set up arms factories at Illam Gudar (Khyber Agency), Nawagai (Bajaur Agency) and Kaniguram (South Waziristan Agency). The Adam Khel Afridis of the Kohat Pass showed the most extraordinary ingenuity in devising, making and installing different kinds of indigenous machines for turning out various component parts of rifles. In the beginning of the 20th century there were about half a dozen workshops in Darra but later this industry rapidly expanded to every glen and village. They were also famous gun runners and carried on arms trade with the Persian Gulf countries. In this way they supplemented the arms pile of the tribesmen and furnished them with the latest weapons at reasonable rates. At present the Adam Khel Afridis are producing such fine specimen of revolvers, pistols and rifles with their crude implements that they can hardly be distinguished from those of European-make. It can be confidently said that nowhere in the world has a similar feat been performed by un-educated men with no training or experience of mass production methods.

The arms manufacturing industry was the main source of the Afridis' income during the British rule. But conditions have changed considerably since the creation of Pakistan. The increased interest of the national Government in the welfare of the tribesmen and the growing communication and interaction between the tribesmen and the people of other parts of Pakistan, have revolutionized their socio-economic life. Soon after Independence the Pakistan Government launched a number of schemes of public utility in the tribal areas to ameliorate the lot of the people, provide them with amenities of life, increase employment opportunities and make them equal partners in progress and prosperity. The Government provided them with every incentive to take to respectable pursuits. As a result of this encouragement, the tribesmen took to commerce and soon commercial centres sprang up at Sakha Kot, Batkhela (Malakand Agency), Yekka Ghund (Mohmand Agency), Bara, Jamrud and Landi Kotal (Khyber Agency), Parachinar, Sadda (Kurram Agency), Miran Shah (North Waziristan Agency), Wana (South Waziristan Agency) and Darra Adam Khel (Frontier Region Kohat) where business transactions of hundreds and thousands of rupees are made every day.

While millions of rupees were being spent by the British on the highways to subjugate the tribesmen, nothing substantial was spent on the improvement of their social condition. But the Pakistan Government, fully aware of the problems of tribesmen, embarked upon a programme to combat illiteracy, want, misery and disease. The Quaid-d-Azam took a keen interest in the development of the tribal areas. Addressing a historic tribal gathering at Peshawar, the Founder of Pakistan declared "Pakistan wants to help you and make you as far as it lies in our power, self reliant and self sufficient and to help your educational, social and economic uplift and not to be left as you are, depending on annual doles". The Government opened the doors of employment to tribesmen in all spheres of national life. Quotas were allocated for the tribal candidates in the services, and a relaxation of three years was allowed to them in the age limit prescribed for various services. The Frontier Constabulary and Frontier Corps are now almost mainly manned by tribesmen and a respectable share of employment has also been given to them in the regular Armed Forces and other services. This liberal policy has solved their economic problems to a considerable extent. Nowadays scores of tribesmen are engaged in business, trade, commerce, Government and private services and other respectable professions and are serving the country with a spirit of devotion and dedication. In short the tribesmen from Bajaur to Waziristan, with their energy and inherent spirit of enterprise, are forging ahead in every activity of life.

HISTORY OF PATHANS.....STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM

Struggle for Freedom

When Sindh and Multan were conquered by the Muslim army under the inspiring leadership of the young General Mohammad bin Qasim, in 711 A.D. this part of the South Asian Sub-Continent was still ruled by a Hindu Shahi dynasty. Subaktagin was the first Muslim ruler who crossed swords with Jaipal, a powerful ruler of the Hindu Shahi dynasty in 997. Later, the Muslims under the command of his illustrious son Mahmud of Ghazna invaded the sub-continent as many as seventeen times and fought fierce battles against Jaipal, his son Anandpal and other Hindu rulers and Rajas of Northern India. He was followed by Shahabud Din Mohammad Ghori, Qutb-ud-Din Aibak and other sultans and finally the great Mughals who ruled the sub-continent for centuries. Things, however, began to change after the death of Aurangzeb Alamgir, the last powerful ruler of the Mughal dynasty. The internal disputes, court intrigues and feuds of rival factions weakened the Mughal Central Government and the centrifugal tendencies of the Mughal Governors sounded the death knell of the mighty Mughal Empire.

The way was thus paved for the rise of Ranjit Singh, who eventually extended his military sway from Lahore upto the foothills of Khyber in the first quarter of the 19th century. The Sikh advance was, however, checked by the tribesmen who did not allow them to encroach upon their independence. The Pukhtoons fought several battles against them and finally measured their strength of arms with the militant Sikhs in a battle fought within the environs of Jamrud in 1837. In this pitched battle the Sikhs sustained heavy casualties. It was here that their famous General Hari Singh Nalwa, was killed.

Twelve years later the superior and disciplined forces of the British defeated the Sikhs in successive battles and annexed the whole of the territory beyond the Indus river and ruled over the North West Frontier for about a century.

The Pukhtoons resisted violently all attempts by the British to subjugate or turn them into docile and obedient members of an enslaved community. They offered stubborn resistance to the British forces and Inspite of their meager means and resources, the Pukhtoons carried on an un-ending war against them for the preservation of their liberty. The British, proud of their glory and might, sent about one hundred expeditions one after the other against the Pukhtoons to subdue them by force but they did not yield to the enemy's military might. According to Col. H.C. Wylly 62 military expeditions were despatched against the tribesmen between 1849-1908, besides every day small skirmishes. These included the famous Ambela campaign 1863, the Black Mountain expedition 1868, the Miranzai expedition 1891, the Hassanzai expedition 1894, the Dir and Chitral expedition 1895, the Tirah campaign 1897, and the Mahsud-Waziri expeditions 1897. As a result of this aggressive policy the whole frontier, from Malakand to Waziristan, flared up in revolt against the British in 1897.

The frontier rising of 1897 engaged about 98000 trained and well equipped British Indian forces in a grim struggle. According to Col. H.D. Hutchison, the approximate strength of the Tirah expeditionary force alone was "1010 British Officers, 10,882 British troops, 491 native officers, 22,123 native troops, 197 hospital Assistants, 179 clerks, 19,558 followers, 8000 horses, 18,384 mules and ponies and 1440 hospital riding ponies". But to these figures, he says, "must be added an enormous number of camels, carts, ponies etc working on the long line of communication with Kohat and gradually brought into use as needs increased and the roads were improved". The British forces suffered 1150 casualties during the Tirah expedition. Similar was the fate of other expeditions as well. The operations against Mohmand in 1915-16, and Wazirs and Mahsuds between 1917-1920 and 1936 Waziri campaign also deserves special mention. In 1917 an arduous campaign was undertaken against the Mahsuds and an aeroplane was made use of for the first time in Waziristan. In 1936 the dales and mountains of Waziristan resounded with the echoes of Jehad. The main cause of the war was the marriage of Islam Bibi (a Hindu Girl of Bannu who was named Islam Bibi after conversion to Islam) with a Muslim. She was later on returned to her parents in accordance with the decision of the British law court. The Government sent over 30,000 well equipped army to curb the activities of the tribal lashkars in Waziristan but it met with no or little success. "By December 1937", says Authur Swinson, "when the 40,000 British and Indian troops pulled back on Peshawar, the situation was no better than it had been in January, and in 1938 more fighting was to ensue." The expenditure on the Frontier war and "the burden on the Indian tax payer was enormous and between 1924 and 1939 it totalled 11,2000,000 pounds". But the long range heavy guns and air bombardment did not dishearten the tribesmen and they continued their intermittent struggle against an imperialist power till the dawn of Independence. "Throughout the hundred and odd years of the British rule over the North West Frontier, Waziristan was always one of the most heavily garrisoned areas anywhere in the world. Seething with political unrest and ceaseless guerilla warfare, this was the testing place - the crucible of valour and efficiency for generations of British soldiers, statesmen and civil servants". The British invariably deputed their ablest military and civil officers to serve in these areas which had become the best training ground for the British soldiers. In fact, the British soldiers had never before experienced such tough and arduous life as on the Frontier. This is well reflected from a stanza of Mr. Kipling's "Frontier Arithmetic"

A scrimmage in a Border Station
A center down some dark defile,
Two thousand pounds of education
Drops to a ten rupee Jezail

As the freedom movement gained momentum in the Sub-Continent, the tribesmen in general and the Pukhtoons of NWFP in particular rallied round the dynamic leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and under the green banner of the Muslim League for the establishment of an independent Muslim State. They resisted the insidious temptations of the Hindu Congress leaders. They gave vent to their feelings of indignation at the time of Pandat Jawahar Lal Nehru's visit to Khyber, Malakand and North Waziristan Agencies in autumn of 1946. They staged violent demonstrations against the visiting Congress dignitary and the then Head of the Interim Government of India and thereby proved to him their feelings of love for a Muslim state and un-shakeable confidence in the able leadership of the Quaid-e-Azam. Their efforts and sacrifices, in common with the rest of the Mussalmans in the Sub-Continent to carve out a sovereign and independent Islamic State for themselves were ultimately crowned with success. Pakistan, their life-long dream, appeared on the map of the world and as dedicated and patriotic citizens of Pakistan, the tribesmen pledged themselves to stand by the rest of their brethren in defending its integrity and the solidarity of its people.

The Pukhtoon's devotion to Pakistan - their homeland, was warmly appreciated by the Quaid-e-Azam, who as the first Governor General of Pakistan ordered a complete immediate withdrawal of all troops from tribal areas hitherto stationed by an alien Government. The so called ferocious warriors turned in no time into peaceful citizens as if by a magic wand, passionately interested in their own progress and the well being of Pakistan. The governance of the tribal belt is no longer a problem for Pakistan; on the contrary the government is actively associating tribesmen in the progress and prosperity of the country. It is one of the cherished goals of the Pakistan Government to work for the socio-economic uplift of the tribesmen who had been deliberately ignored by alien rulers. A number of public utility schemes aiming at socio-economic, educational and industrial uplift have already been completed while many more are being speedily implemented.

The tribal area which was at one time a scene of wild affrays is now completely peaceful. "At present", says Ian Stephens, "the irritant of the infidel British regime having withdrawn itself, the Frontier is remarkably peaceful. During journeys, since the withdrawal, along the Pakistan side of it, in 1948, 1951 and again this year (1961), I have been amazed by the change. Within my extensive zone of travel there were no hostilities, actual or apprehended between the Frontier Corps or the Army or tribal lashkars, as in former days. Nor did I see the least sign of Pukhtoonistan activities". A similar opinion has been expressed by Mr. H.C. Taussig in the `Eastern World'. "There is no doubt" he say "that the situation has vastly improved, at least in some areas which it was unsafe to travel by day and impossible by night, I was able to move freely without escort, at any time".

Appreciating the pace of development in tribal areas in the wake of peaceful conditions the world famous historian, Professor Arnold J. Toynbee says "Pakistan does pursue a forward policy on the frontier and a vigorous one, but its key instruments are not weapons of war, they are dispensaries, schools, sports, and, above all, economic development. This last instrument is supremely important, because it gives the tribesmen opportunities for finding alternate means of livelihood to the raiding which has been their traditional recourse". The improvement in communications has revolutionized the means of transportation as well. THE camels and donkeys are gradually being replaced by motorized conveyances. "In this northern world round Peshawar", says Professor Toynbee, "times are changing. Not so long ago the traveller through the Khyber Pass had to pay tribute to the Afridis, or it would be the worse for him. Passing emperors have defied the Afridis and have lived or sometimes not lived to regret it. Today we can travel through the pass and back by the Afridi Bus Service and the tribute has turned into a fare. In old days a tribe used to measure its strength by the number of its rifles. Today it measures it by the number of its buses and lorries".

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Saturday, 16 April 2011

ORIGIN OF THE PATHANS

ETHNOLOGY:

Sources of Income

Struggle for Freedom